Building a United Working Class in North Carolina

Negin Owliaei Inequality Editor and Researcher, Institute for Policy Studies

Poverty has always been part of Debbie Smith’s life. She started working in low-wage jobs at the age of 11, Smith told a crowd in Raleigh, North Carolina earlier this year. At one point, she had to take five buses to make it to college classes, even as she cleaned houses to make money.

Later, Smith developed severe asthma, perhaps through the chemicals she used in her cleaning job, she wonders, or perhaps for other environmental reasons. After years of hospital visits, she developed an MRSA infection in 2004 and hasn’t been able to walk for more than a few steps at a time since then. Smith, who was speaking at an event to kick off the Poor People’s Campaign, wanted to tell the crowd about the difficulties she and many others face in making a sustainable living.

“Until recently I felt very ashamed of myself for being poor,” Smith said. “But I am learning it hasn’t been my fault. Our government, financial system and people in corporations and those with wealth and power make the rules and we are trapped by them.” It’s time to band together to fight the evils that keep this exploitative system afloat, Smith said, which is why she’s happy to join the Poor People’s Campaign, as well as a new movement building working-class power in her home state.

Smith is a member of Down Home North Carolina, a grassroots organizing project working in the state’s rural communities. The group was founded by Brigid Flaherty and Todd Zimmer after the 2016 election. But, as Flaherty told an audience at the National Press Club last month, she already knew she wanted to return to organize in her home state in 2015, when Dylann Roof murdered nine Black churchgoers in Charleston, South Carolina.

After Bree Newsome took down the Confederate flag at the South Carolina statehouse in the wake of the massacre, Flaherty recalled seeing a North Carolina newspaper headline that read “White Genocide is Coming.” There weren’t any organizations to counter those headlines, Flaherty understood, or the countless racist media narratives that covered local front pages during the election campaign that followed. It was time to build a movement to challenge stories like these that stepped on communities of color in service of protecting wealthy, white people, Flaherty told the audience.

That’s part of the reason for Peña’s hope: knowing that frank conversations can shed light on shared struggles. Those conversations are the backbone of Down Home’s work. When Flaherty founded the organization, she knew she had to begin with a listening tour. Rural red state residents had been written off by the left, Flaherty said, and the group knocked on 4,000 doors so that Down Home could best respond to the needs of Carolinians whose issues had long been ignored.

“No one ever asked me to deny a living wage,” Flaherty said of the listening tour. “No one ever asked me to give tax breaks to billionaires and multinational corporations. No one ever asked me to transfer wealth off of the backs of working people or allow big money to influence our election.”

Down Home North Carolina compiled the research from their tour into a report released earlier this year. Titled “No One’s Ever Asked Me That Before,” their research highlighted the lack of investment and engagement with rural communities. The report also found that respondents were most interested in solutions that would help them meet their basic needs and that would address the exploitative systems that had trapped North Carolina’s working class for years.

And that’s how Flaherty ended her speech at the Press Club —  with a well-aimed expletive launched at the people making money off North Carolina’s working class, a battle cry to demand power for low-income people. “We don’t need a PhD to run for school board. We don’t need a PhD to run for city council or Congress,” Flaherty said. “What we need are good hearts, to roll up our sleeves, so that we can transform this country. We can overcome all the inequity with all that we have when hundreds and thousands of us demand change and stand up to that [expletive] billionaire class.”

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Reposted from Inequality.org

Posted In: Allied Approaches

Union Matters

He Gets the Bucks, We Get All the Deadly Bangs

Sam Pizzigati

Sam Pizzigati Editor, Too Much online magazine

National Rifle Association chief Wayne LaPierre has had better weeks. First came the horrific early August slaughters in California, Texas, and Ohio that left dozens dead, murders that elevated public pressure on the NRA’s hardline against even the mildest of moves against gun violence. Then came revelations that LaPierre — whose labors on behalf of the nonprofit NRA have made him a millionaire many times over — last year planned to have his gun lobby group bankroll a 10,000-square-foot luxury manse near Dallas for his personal use. In response, LaPierre had his flacks charge that the NRA’s former ad agency had done the scheming to buy the mansion. The ad agency called that assertion “patently false” and related that LaPierre had sought the agency’s involvement in the scheme, a request the agency rejected. The mansion scandal, notes the Washington Post, comes as the NRA is already “contending with the fallout from allegations of lavish spending by top executives.”

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Corruption Coordinates

Corruption Coordinates