The Charities Making Inequality Worse

Sam Pizzigati

Sam Pizzigati Editor, Too Much online magazine

Not that many years ago, only corporate CEOs had the nerve to pocket paychecks over $1 million a year. But times change. Million-dollar executive pay packages have become almost routine in some corners of the nonprofit sector.

How routine? A new Wall Street Journal analysis counts about 2,700 nonprofit execs and high-powered staffers who took home at least seven digits in 2014, the most recent year with pay figures available. That total represents an increase of a third since 2011.

No exec at a U.S. nonprofit collected more compensation in 2014 than the Ascension Health Alliance’s Anthony Tersigni. Should nonprofits that pay execs lavishly be granted tax exemptions?

The nonprofit world’s most lavishly compensated execs, the Journal notes, hail from traditional charities like the United Way, major institutions like hospitals and universities, and even a religious ministry.

Anthony Tersigni, the CEO of the nonprofit Ascension Health Alliance, leads the Journal’s pay list. He collected $1.6 million in 2014 base pay and another $15.9 million in assorted add-ons. Another 30 nonprofit movers and shakers that year pocketed at least $6 million.

Our current surge in top nonprofit compensation hasn’t yet made much of a dent on America’s public consciousness. But we can safely say that average Americans in general don’t much appreciate excess in nonprofit pay. The public has come to expect greed from corporate CEOs. People expect better of executives at do-good institutions.

Why are so many of these do-good institutions letting Americans down? We don’t have far to look. The blame for pay excess in the nonprofit sector rests first and foremost in the private sector.

America’s for-profit and nonprofit sectors, we need to remember, don’t operate in separate universes. The two spheres continually interlink. Corporate execs, for instance, regularly sit on nonprofit boards of directors. They bring their ideas and values — and maybe even from time to time flash their $10,000 Rolexes.

Nonprofit boards, not surprisingly, have begun adopting corporate pay-setting procedures. Over two-thirds of the charities with million-dollar-a-year execs, the Wall Street Journal reports, hire corporate-style “compensation consultants” to aid in the executive pay-setting process. These consultants help nonprofits fashion convoluted — and lucrative — bonus and deferred compensation arrangements.

In effect, corporate executive pay practices are now poisoning the nonprofit sector.

Still, you could argue that none of this much matters. Even the highest-pay nonprofit execs, after all, are making only a fraction of what America’s highest-paid corporate CEOs take home.

But excessive nonprofit executive pay should matter plenty. Average Americans are actually subsidizing this excess — through the tax exemptions our various levels of government grant to nonprofits.

Now, technically, these tax exemptions do come with some strings. Nonprofits are only supposed to pay their top personnel at “reasonable” levels, and the IRS has the authority to levy excise taxes on anyone on a nonprofit payroll who gobbles up “excess benefits.”

This authority seldom gets exercised. The understaffed IRS audits nonprofits less than 1 percent of the time. Few high-paying nonprofit execs ever have to worry about getting called on the carpet.

So what could we do to end nonprofit CEO pay excess? We could put in place a tough, specific standard that nonprofits couldn’t easily evade. We could, for instance, deny tax-exempt status to any nonprofits that pay their top executives more than 25 times what their lowest-paid workers are earning.

Would this place some horrible burden on otherwise worthy nonprofits? Hard to see how. Any nonprofits that can afford to pay their top executives more in a week than minimum-wage workers can make in a year ought to be able to afford to do without a free pass at tax time.

And, who knows, denying tax-exemptions to nonprofits that overpay their execs could well turn out to be a springboard for denying our tax dollars — in the form of government contracts and tax breaks — to private corporations that do a lot more overpaying.

We actually do have some evidence that focusing on nonprofit executive pay excess helps stimulate interest in curbing excess in the private corporate sector.

Two decades ago, then-Representative Robert Menendez of New Jersey found himself outraged by the early signs of the emerging nonprofit executive excess phenomenon. Menendez introduced congressional legislation that would have, if passed, capped the salaries of nonprofit executives at twice the level of U.S. cabinet secretary pay, a figure that at the time totaled just a bit over $150,000 a year.

That legislation never made it into law, but Menendez, later elected to the U.S. Senate, would go on to insert into the landmark 2010 Dodd-Frank Wall Street Reform and Consumer Protection Act a provision that requires corporations to annually disclose the ratio between their CEO and median worker compensation.

This disclosure mandate went into effect this past January, and localities and state governments have already begun to consider moves that would penalize companies with wide gaps between top execs and workers. A similar move is stirring now at the federal level, too.


Reposted from Too Much

Sam Pizzigati edits Too Much, the online weekly on excess and inequality. He is an associate fellow at the Institute for Policy Studies in Washington, D.C. Last year, he played an active role on the team that generated The Nation magazine special issue on extreme inequality. That issue recently won the 2009 Hillman Prize for magazine journalism. Pizzigati’s latest book, Greed and Good: Understanding and Overcoming the Inequality that Limits Our Lives (Apex Press, 2004), won an “outstanding title” of the year ranking from the American Library Association’s Choice book review journal.

Posted In: Allied Approaches

Union Matters

Uber Drivers Deserve Legal Rights and Protections

By Kathleen Mackey
USW Intern

In an advisory memo released May 14, the U.S. labor board general counsel’s office stated that Uber drivers are not employees for the purposes of federal labor laws.

Their stance holds that workers for companies like Uber are not included in federal protections for workplace organizing activities, which means the labor board is effectively denying Uber drivers the benefits of forming or joining unions.

Simply stating that Uber drivers are just gig workers does not suddenly undo the unjust working conditions that all workers potentially face, such as wage theft, dangerous working conditions and  job insecurity. These challenges are ever-present, only now Uber drivers are facing them without the protection or resources they deserve. 

The labor board’s May statement even seems to contradict an Obama-era National Labor Relations Board (NLRB) ruling that couriers for Postmates, a job very similar to Uber drivers’, are legal employees.

However, the Department of Labor has now stated that such gig workers are simply independent contractors, meaning that they are not entitled to minimum wages or overtime pay.

While being unable to unionize limits these workers’ ability to fight for improved pay and working conditions, independent contractors can still make strides forward by organizing, explained executive director of New York Taxi Workers Alliance Bhairavi Desai.

“We can’t depend solely on the law or the courts to stop worker exploitation. We can only rely on the steadfast militancy of workers who are rising up everywhere,” Desai said in a statement. 

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Make Father's Day Union Made!

Make Father's Day Union Made!